rights of minorities
A guide for human rights activists and civil society organizations
The perception of minority towards Somaliland.The minority tribes have played a vital role in Somalia.
Child Support Grants prove critical to reducing child poverty in South Africa.Positive impact...
Archive for November, 2014
Colin Flaherty speaks at Atlantic Cape Community College.
COURT HOUSE – Colin Flaherty is a noted journalist for 30 years, whose works have appeared in major newspapers including The New York Times, Washington Post and Los Angeles Times, and has been published in 1,000 sites around the world and received 50 journalism awards. Flaherty made an appearance Nov. 3 at Atlantic Cape Community College to speak about black-on-white violence, a topic, he stated, which does not receive much press.
The subject makes editors uncomfortable, Flaherty said. Liberals, he said, cringe at the idea of black-on-white violence and police underreport it.
Flaherty documented cases in Chicago where Mayor Rahm Emanuel denied it, and in Philadelphia where Mayor Michael Nutter diminished it.
Flaherty appeared at Helen McCaffrey’s American History II class, Francis Raucher’s English class, and John Alvarez’s theatre class, to discuss his book, White Girl Bleed A Lot, and thesis that black-on-white crime is increasing, and that it is not sufficiently covered in the press establishment.
Flaherty said that race riots are occurring and they are largely ignored. Political correctness has reached a new high, according to Flaherty, as TV affiliates, newspaper editors and mayors fall all over themselves to avoid attributing race to the attackers, who are, he said, predominantly young black men.
McCaffrey, who teaches history at Atlantic Cape, introduced Flaherty. “The purpose of coming to college is to explore ideas, new ideas, and to think. If we are not making you uncomfortable, we are not making you think. Ask questions,” she said, “and feel free to agree or disagree. That’s how you learn to think.”
Asked about how the speaker got invited, McCaffrey replied, “I heard him on the radio, and I thought that he presented an unheard point of view. I told him that he needed to talk to college students, and he said, ‘Let’s do it.’”
Flaherty’s book, which is a bestseller on Amazon, begins: “Racial violence is back. In hundreds of episodes across the country since 2010, groups of black people are roaming the streets of America, intimidating, stalking, vandalizing, stealing, shooting, stabbing, raping, and killing.
“But the local media and public officials are largely silent about the problem. Crime is color-blind, says a Milwaukee police chief. Race is not important, a Chicago newspaper editor assures us. That denies the obvious. America is the most race-conscious society in the world. … We talk about everything black except black mob violence and lawlessness. That is taboo. And the result is that few know about it. Fewer still are talking about it. Today it is at epidemic levels in almost every city in the country.”
“Unbelievable racial violence is the first problem. Denying it is the second,” Flaherty told the gathered students.
“In South Philadelphia, reported by the Philly Daily News and City Paper, Asian students were being beaten up by blacks in a black high school in South Philly for five years. The Asians were about 18 percent of the student population, the blacks, 70 percent. The students, after harassment, beatings, attacks to and from school, on the subway, complained to the administration, hosted a march, and the administration gave them a pamphlet telling them how not to aggravate the black students.”
School officials told local networks that the event was in no way racial, Flaherty continued.
“In private, they said that it was the Asian students’ fault. Lots of racism is targeted at immigrants, especially Asians, by young black men,” he said.
The students were also complaining because the administration did nothing to protect them. One video, featuring a black youth, said that the object was not racism, but financial opportunity. The people were helpless, had cell phones, did not speak English well and were not able to retaliate. They were afraid. So they were targeted.
Flaherty also detailed incidents of “knockout,” a game wherein a black mob appears and several members knock over elderly women or men, or a single person, while others beat them. The rest of the assembly stands by and cheers.
Flaherty said he addresses the problem like an old-fashioned newspaper reporter. He doesn’t ask why, he doesn’t comment on the causes, he just states the facts. He doesn’t care why it is happening, he cares that it is happening, and he thinks that truth is better than fiction. “And if it is happening, it ought to be covered,” he said.
In his book, Flaherty delineated a list of 90 cities under attack. Beginning with Atlantic City, the narrative continues across the country, including anecdote after anecdote, which includes Miami Beach ‘black beach parties,’ and college campus riots in Philadelphia and in the Midwest.
Closer to Cape May County, Flaherty reported many cases of black-on-white violence in Baltimore, Philadelphia, Wilmington, Washington, D.C. and New York.
He talked about liberals who want to give reasons for the behavior but who fail to recognize it for what it is. He mentioned newspapers calling attackers ‘youths,’ but never presenting their color. He talked about the newspapers minimizing the situation.
At one point during the talk at Atlantic Cape, a voice from the audience shouted, “Are you a racist?” That was Leon Hart, a black man.
“No, I’m just giving you the facts,” Flaherty replied.
Discussing Ferguson, Mo., Flaherty said that NBC reported, “The protests at Ferguson have been largely peaceful.” However, the police in the area had purchased $172,669 worth of tear gas, grenades, and other body armor. Demonstrations, he said, were violent, rampant with Molotov cocktails, gunfire, and residents were beaten.
Flaherty said the event was documented with videos, 911 calls, police reports.
He said that the reason a lot of black violence goes unreported is fear. In Philadelphia, he said, there are 2,500 cases of intimidation on the books. People were attacked in their homes, police went and broke it up, the attackers left, and then went back and threatened destruction if anyone spoke about it.
Flaherty went on to describe “polar bear hunting,” where blacks get together and beat up whites. It occurs, he said, at “a lot at colleges, like the University of Illinois. It’s always a lot worse than what I describe. Every story I do, people come up to me and say, ‘Oh yeah, that’s been happening around here, too.’”
Over the past decade, Republican legislators have pushed a number of measures critics say are blatant attempts to suppress minority voting, including voter ID requirements, shortened early voting periods, and limits on same-day voter registration. But minority voters are often disenfranchised in another, more subtle way: polling places without enough voting machines or poll workers.
These polling places tend to have long lines to vote. Long lines force people to eventually give up and go home, depressing voter turnout. And that happens regularly all across the country in precincts with lots of minority voters, even without voter ID or other voting restrictions in place.
Nationally, African Americans waited about twice as long to vote in the 2012 election as white people (23 minutes on average versus 12 minutes); Hispanics waited 19 minutes. White people who live in neighborhoods whose residents are less than 5 percent minority had the shortest of all wait times, just 7 minutes. These averages obscure some of the unusually long lines in some areas. In South Carolina’s Richland County, which is 48 percent black and is home to 14 percent of the state’s African American registered voters, some people waited more than five hours to cast their ballots.
There is no place for the minority group of Afrikaners in South Africa. Over the past twenty years, the cultural and Afrikaner rights have been suppressed. Political isolation and the violent attacks against farmers in particular cause evidence of the diminishing rights of this minority group.
South Africa is a diverse country with over 11 official languages and defined as a rainbow nation. There is nothing more or nothing less than defining the nation along racial lines. Racial classification is experienced, and diversity is ignored. The promotion of minorities and rights for Afrikaners remains an inconvenient truth.
The majority of Africans believe that Africa is the home of Africans and not of white settlers. Afrikaners are not considered an African tribe. The indigenous African people believe that any white has never been denied the right of self-determination and oppression. It is an aim that the white settlers were never invited to South Africa and the rest of the African continent. The settlement of whites has caused this group of people to become a minority in the new South Africa.
It is another belief that the majority of white settlers in South Africa were a direct cause of the overcrowding, political intolerances, religious and economic reasons that drove the settlers to the African continent. The indigenous people believe with the white settlers came the dreaded same conditions that drove them away from original countries.
Many Afrikaners want a separate state within South Africa. The minority group wants a state where self-determination and the right to practice cultural rights without the continuous crime and discrimination. There is the conviction that Afrikaners are dominant and have exclusive rights to choose any area within South Africa. The majority proclaim the right of Afrikaners to continue exercising hatred toward Africans remains unchallenged.
The majority believe that South Africa is a country where all have rights to live free of racism. The issue of tribalism is no longer an issue as racism remains the greater practiced. Living alongside the diverse cultures is indeed a challenge. There is no freedom from racism, and this will forever remain problematic within the Rainbow Nation.
Every functioning democracy needs a balance between left and right and perhaps the idea of a separate state for the minority is not a recognized solution. More importantly is the protection of different cultures and the rights of minority groups. Without support, it is easy for the majority to bully the minority groups.
Racism works equally well on both the left and right side. It is the promotion of rights and protection of cultures of the minority groups that needs to be applied. The government supports unity and integration.
Several groups are convinced that not only Afrikaners but also English speaking white people are targets of discrimination. The black economic empowerment and employment equity laws implemented have detrimental effects on young white South Africans seeking employment. It is a belief that the laws the current government of South Africa have implemented drive people to emigrate.
The post-apartheid democracy of South Africa does threaten the rights of Afrikaners both economically and culturally. The vast decline of decent living standards among whites, coupled with a high crime targets against the minority give rise for self-determination. The racial discrimination and segregation continue throughout the land and cultural activities remain tainted by race.
Opinion by Laura Oneale