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Posted by admin, November 23, 2014 6:58 pm

Although much of our South African audience is painfully aware of what’s transpiring in their beloved homeland – the vast majority of the international community is not.


Because it’s been covered up by the Marxist elite running our respective medias.

For all intents and purposes there has been a media & Hollywood black out on South African anti-minority violence, and government sanctioned hatred.

Not only is this shameful, it’s proven deadly. Over the past two decades South Africa’s non-black population has been starved, raped, oppressed, forced from their land and hunted down, and the west has done absolutely nothing. Although the media has had a lot to do with this-our own apathy can’t be ignored either.

So why have the EKP championed the cause of the Afrikaner?

Although theirs is a uniquely tragic tale-in many ways it mirrors our own plight in the US. Like Americans, the Afrikaner are a people that turned a largely uninhabited tract of land into a great nation that they are now being displaced from.

In some ways, their plight reflects that of the great Western European folk-people indigenous to a soil they too are being told they have no rights on.

In spite of what are Marxist oppressors tell us, the Afrikaner are a truly African people-having lived in southern Africa for almost 500 years. They are now a quite complicated mix of people (with a large percentage of their rural population having indigenous African bloodlines) and therefore have literally no homeland outside of Africa to return to.


Not only have the Afrikaner people been deserted by the international community, they have also been so by the wealthier elements of their own society.

Their decision-one made in good faith, to compromise with the black African majority and hand over their nation to the Marxist swine now running the show, has resulted in the annihilation of those that have chosen and been forced to remain behind.

The richer members of their society have either deserted South Africa (SA), or have cozied up to the black leadership, leaving the poorest Afrikaners, as well as mixed race people speaking Afrikaans, to die.

So why is the world being kept from this tragedy but continuously bombarded with images of Sudanese, Somalis, Nigerians and black Africans starving?

“That’s an interesting question. There’s a veritable war being waged against minorities in SA, however because the minorities aren’t black, Hispanic, homosexual or Jewish:  groups protected by American civil rights legislation-and demographics, American and international Marxists believe warrant our sympathy, the media keeps it under wraps. This is all by design of course. One need only look at the names of the people behind the likes of MSNBC, FOX, the BBC, CNN & global Communism to understand why the Afrikaner are being ignored. Then there’s the fact that the white South African is seen as the last vestige of colonialism by our oppressors. They represent empire, colonialism and hyper-nationalism to the left…And let’s not forget that there are other unpopular minority groups in SA that are also being driven into extinction.” J Sen, EKP Minority Rights & Commonwealth advocate.

In fact in SA, the endangered minorities include the Afrikaner, Anglo, mixed/coloured, Portuguese-Mozambique and Indian populations. There’s certainly no one worthy of Marxist sympathy there….

Our friends at Censorbugbear provided us with truly disturbing photo montage and story exposing Afrikaner starvation.

“Little known fact – South Africa’s 3-million Afrikaners are now living in dismal squatter camps where they are denied government benefits, government food-aid and medical care – and by law, are also denied access the job market…

Picture: Pretoria squatter camp resident Sarie Rossouw is slowly starving to death…

Sarielives with her husband Hennie in a Pretoria squatter camp and is badly malnourished. She has only been visited once by a social worker this past year. Her frail husband Hennie, 70, tries to look after her as well as he can, but it’s difficult without health-care and no regular food supplies.AfrikanerPoor_SarieRossouw_starving to death Eagles Nest Squatter camp no food aid

Pretoria has more than 70 squatter camps housing unemployable working-class Afrikaners, and they are consistently denied government-issued food-stamps and survival-benefits from the ANC-regime.


Solidarity trade union’s charity Helping Hand said in a recent letter to SA President Jacob Zuma that without urgent government subsidies and food-aid, many Afrikaners will start dying of starvation and poverty-related diseases – very soon.

Reports of babies and elderly Afrikaners dying of malnutrition are already emerging this year, amongst others reported by Dutch investigative journalist Saskia Vredeveld in her documentary “Poor whites in South Africa’, filmed in Coronation Park near Johannesburg and screened on Dutch IKON-TV earlier this year. She reported details about the death of a newborn Afrikaner baby – from hunger.

Solidarity’s letter also includes a series of pictures taken of some of the more than 650,000 homeless, impoverished Afrikaners.

There is growing interest from abroad in the so-called ‘poor white’ problem. Dutch investigative journalistSaskia Vredeveld and Australian photo-journalist Dean Saffron were only the latest of a long line of foreign journalists who have reported extensively from Afrikaner-poor camps this year.

  • Saskia Vredeveld reporting from Coronation Park, Johannesburg: “Poor whites in South Africa” http://player.omroep.nl/?aflID=11024515
  • Dean Saffron, documentary photographer: http://www.newint.org/columns/essays/2010/01/01/afrikaners-hit-bottom/index.html

And this month, a group of DutAfrikanerPoorWelcomeInnKrugersdorpSquatterCampPicPaulBennettFacebookch and Flemish students also visited the Eagle’ s Nest-squatter camp in Pretoria North. They visited the camp with its 100 poor residents and played a traditional Afrikaner sport called “Jukskei’ with the residents as part of the Dutch-South African Society youth-exchange programme. Dr Danie Langner, executive director of Helping Hand, said it was ‘very important for (foreign) students to be exposed to all the realities in South Africa, including the large number of Afrikaners who are now falling into permanent poverty and destitution. The students experienced at first hand the reality of the (more than 650,000) Afrikaners who have to survive without water, electricity or food-supplies each day. This squatter camp’s hundred residents live in horrific circumstances in which they are exposed to the elements each day”. The three-week visit by the Dutch-speaking students was sponsored by four universities, the Afrikaner League, the Afrikaans Language- and Cultural society, the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Associations, Solidarity and the Foundation for the Empowerment of Afrikaans. http://www.zuidafrikahuis.nl/node/28


Defenseless elderly Afrikaners slowly starving to death…

Sixty-three percent of the residents in Pretoria’s 77 white squatter camps and tent-towns alone, are older than 60 years. There is only one social worker for every 4,000 South African resident. A total of 2,100 cases of dire poverty amongst whites are currently being investigated in the town of Centurion by its Council for the Elderly. In Pretoria, an average 1,000 cases are reported of whites being abused and left uncared in dismal conditions. Yet the government’s National Youth Development Agency (the former Umsobomvu Youth Fund) still rules that disability benefits are not granted to such impoverished, elderly Afrikaners.

Senior citizens find it increasingly difficult to live alone in their homes. General frailty, rising living expenses and vulnerability against crime are some of the reasons why they seek alternative accommodation. Old-age homes are only an option for those who receive a state pension, are frail and do not own property or have alternative sources of income. Senior citizens who receive a private pension, however small it may be, are not subsidised by the state and must pay the full unit cost in an old-age home, unless they are frail. The monthly unit cost could amount to R4 000,00 to R5 000,00 per person. [A South African rand is worth about one US dime, that is, 10 cents. So 4,000 rand is about 400 dollars.] Many of these elderly frail people end up in squatter camps.

The government’s social-welfare agencies also refuse to dispense food-stamps to destitute Afrikaners – even to the blind Mrs . Maria Schoeman, below:

Afrikaner poor Maria Schoeman elderly whites malnourished in

AfrikanerPoor_SquatterCampShacks Aug2010

Above: these squatter huts are occupied by whites – more than 96% are Afrikaans-speakers – writes Solidarity ‘s charity Helping Hand – which has 640 branches countrywide — to pres. Jacob Zuma. “Serious health problems are caused by the lack of water- and sanitation-services.”

AfrikanerPoor More than 70 squatter camps with poor whites in Pretoria alone Aug2010

Above: For the first time since the 1930’s, poverty and homelessness has increased dramatically among white Afrikaans-speakers especially. In greater Pretoria alone, there are more than 70 squatter camps for whites and countrywide, more than 640, housing more than 650,000 Afrikaners, reports HelpingHand.co.za charity. There are 3-million Afrikaners in South Africa.

AfrikanerPoor Jurie_Susan Austin live in a pumphouse 2x2 Solidarity Helping Hand charity Pic Aug2010

Above: Jurie and Susan Austin live in a 2 X 2 m pump-house and beg on the streets to survive each day.

AfrikanerPoor Martin Venter Gert van Vuuren live underneath this tree Squatter camp Eagles Nest Pretoria

Above: Martin Venter and Gert van Vuuren live underneath this tree.

AfrikanerPoor Elsie Botha lives in a refitted watertank Eagles Nest Pretoria Helping Hand charity

Above: Elsie Botha lives in this adapted water-tank.

Below: Australian photojournalist reports on Krugersdorp municipality’s attempt to forcibly-remove 400 Afrikaner squatter-camp residents to a black township:

Afrikaner Poor AustralianPhotog Dean Saffron Report 1 Afrikaner Poor AustralianPhotog Dean Saffron Report 2 Kruger Robert and Debbie

* * *

This article from a leftist magazine, aside from some politically correct remarks about the supposed horrors of white rule and apartheid (and, after all, why did 100,000 blacks a year sneak from up north down INTO South Africa under white rule???????), is accurate and heart-rending:

Blacks and whites worked together under apartheid but lived in separate locations. The original apartheid plan, destroyed by the Marxist Jews who took over behind the scenes, was to create separate ethnic states (like US states), not just separate neighborhoods, and the plan was that the whole country would be an efficient, white-supervised federation of different ethnic and racial groups.

The prime minister who wanted total geographic separation — with semi-independent black countries — Hendrik Verwoerd, was suspiciously assassinated right on the floor of the parliament in the 1960s.

– “europeanknightsproject”

Posted by admin, 6:52 pm
By Gillian Schutte:
Picture:  Media for Justice

henriSince I spend a lot of time  fielding questions around my anti-racism and anti-hegemonic writing and film work  as well as attempting to explain white privilege to dissenters, I have decided to write an extensive guide to recognising white privilege. I was inspired by this anonymous Thought Catalog document, which extrapolates from Richard Dyer’s work on white privilege, and using it as a blueprint, I have borrowed from it, added to it and reworked it into the South African context.

1. White privilege, like whiteness itself, is almost indefinable to white people. There are few words to describe the invisible. However, white privilege is only invisible to white people and to those people of colour/black people who benefit from or buy into white privilege.

2. Many whites in South Africa are generally unwilling to engage in the topic of racism – most crying out that we “must move beyond race’ and that they “do not see colour”. This is the new phenomenon of “colourblind racism” that denies and ignores the fact that for people of colour/black people, race still matters because they still experience it. This is because colourblind white people still practice racism.

3. These white folk will make statements such as “we don’t have apartheid anymore” or “there’s a black president now” and “all of that stuff happened so long ago and now there is BEE which has made us the victims of black racism or black supremacy”. But 20 years is not that long ago and it will take decades for the pain and destruction of our history to subside.

4. Because of the transitional system of reconciliation, which seemed only to benefit white folk – coupled with the implementation of a business-biased macroeconomic policy – whites have continued to benefit hugely from the system. Economic studies have shown that many whites have in fact grown richer in the past 20 years – while the majority of blacks and smaller pockets of whites and minority groups have just grown poorer.

5. Yes, there is a burgeoning black middle class and many white people will often use this to point out that blacks are taking over and “stealing” their opportunities. This sense of ownership over opportunities is a sure sign of white privilege.

6. White privilege means not recognising that there is no such thing as Black Supremacy as black folk have not occupied and oppressed the world under a dominant ideology of Blackness.

7. There were also no “benefits” to black people under the colonial and apartheid rule, though some whites will argue that whites “brought civilisation to Africa for the blacks”. They did not. They built “civilisation” on the backs of black slavery, for themselves, and were just recently forced to share the spoils of their exploitative history with the indigenous people of this land.

8. This is because black people fought a long and hard struggle to overturn a system from which they received no benefits. White privilege means you do not make the connection between the struggle and a system of historically racialised oppression.

9. Whenever BEE comes up as a way to create opportunities for the previously disadvantaged, a white person is sure to say, “Race shouldn’t matter as much as merit. I don’t think people should be judged on the colour of their skin. Everyone should be judged regardless of their colour.” So why then do white people continue to judge black people according to their skin colour? Why does critique of blackness by the white regime always centre on their morphology, their blackness, ‘their culture‘, ‘their penis‘, ‘their bad use of English‘ among other things? This message is implicit and sometimes explicit in white critique of blackness, whether in news reportage, art, satire, cartoons or columns.

10. The default here is that white people have more merit and capability and are therefore more deserving of opportunities.

11. White privilege is accusing people of drawing the race card when whites are critiqued for being racist and then saying skin colour has got nothing to do with it.

12. As per Thought Catalog, “It is true race isn’t theoretically about skin colour,” race is “a systemic, governmental, juridical set of processes” rooted firmly in an exploitative history that have embedded “racial inequalities”. Race is a set of laws that are entrenched to favour whiteness and that most often vicitimise black folk.

13. Racism is the law that becomes apartheid and is then replaced by neo-colonialism. As the poster on Thought Catalog points out, race is the hysterical “stereotype that if a black family moves into a neighbourhood”, property values plummet and noise levels go up.  Similarly, as we often see locally, when too many black kids move into a private or public school it soon sees whites leaving the school.

14. White privilege is participating in, or giving the order to, or staying silent about, the shooting of 44 striking black men dead because black working class bodies still have very little value in a white dominated system and many white people will think and say that they deserved it.

15. White privilege  is the common white assumption that all black people are lazy even though between 4am and 7am, the streets are filled with black folk making their way to badly paid jobs in white areas because they work hard to survive and feed and clothe their families.


“White privilege is reflected the second a person asks why we are still talking about race.

17. These people act offended, angry and often hyper-aggressive if another person calls out and probes their white privilege. They assert vociferously that questioning their whiteness is “reverse racism”. They accuse white people who interrogate whiteness of being mad and ‘other’ them in dehumanising terms.

18. White privilege is accusing a black person who critiques whiteness of being racist.

19. White privilege is asking your badly paid maid to unpack your daily clothes-buying splurges in which you spend more in one day than you pay her for the month.

20. White privilege is asserting on a public platform that a white woman learning to Twerk is some sort of nation building exercise.

21. There are 56-million people in South Africa. Half of those people live below the breadline – the majority of poor people are black. This means they are trapped in a system that favours whiteness and white business at the expense of the poor. Many white people will blame this entirely on the government and while government must be critiqued for failing to adequately change the system and deliver to the poor, white people refuse to see the role of white greed and corporate power in this systemically skewed and racialised economy.

22. White privilege is investing in red rhino horns and demonising impoverished black poachers while never once considering marching against hunger or pointing their fingers at those at the top of the value chain in poaching, which is, sometimes, a white game farm owner.


“I don’t see race” or “we should all just look past race” are two general statements that can only be said by a person for whom race is not a daily struggle.

24. White privilege is entrenched and systemic  entitlement because it is the authority to continuously demand presence of whiteness in all transformation processes and using black representation to further their “causes” only when it suits them. If white people are not in charge of transformation processes, which has become a white industry, they cry racism.

25. If black organisations spring up to take charge of their own representation and transformation white people will use sympathetic media to make a huge hullaballoo about the exclusion of whiteness and label it racism instead of seeing it as self-determination. This has ensured that the means-of-production has mostly remained in the hands of white business and has created another industry from which whites can benefit – the constant training of black people.

26. White privilege is being able to endlessly exploit black body for financial gains and pat themselves on their backs for doing “good” and “beneficial” work.

27. White privilege is the groundless fear that affirmative action programs are going to open the way for “the blacks to take over”, or more specifically to take “my position” at university or in the workplace. As the poster on Thought Catalog points out, white privilege is the assumption that the position is yours by default of being white.

28. In South Africa black people have also often been overlooked for coloured or Indian people for leadership positions in institutions of learning. This is because white people perceive minorities as less threatening and have more inherent trust in those who are not “fully black”. It is a deeply entrenched prejudice towards blackness that has been cultivated and passed down from generation to generation over the past four centuries.

29. White privilege is not noticing that in a country that is majority black and has a black government, the amount of black teachers and lecturers in schools, colleges and universities is not representative of the country’s demographics. Neither is the number of black directors of NGOs in civil society, or owners of film companies and media outlets. The corporate world remains largely untransformed too.

30. White privilege is blaming this on perceived black incompetence rather that seeing how the system is designed to provide opportunities for white people, then Indian and coloured people, and lastly black people, excluding the small black elite and elements of burgeoning black middle class. This is the racialised hierarchy of privilege entrenched in the apartheid system and still in place today. White privilege is accepting this status quo to preserve white benefit and ignoring the negative impact it has on the next generation.

31. White privilege is also blaming the poor for their poverty instead of looking at systemic issues that create poverty.

32. White privilege means not constantly having your intelligence or integrity questioned just because you are black. It means not having to work that much harder just to safeguard yourself from deleterious critique when you achieve prominence. It means never having to second-guess yourself about your competence or being sideswiped by disparaging comments by white people who are shaken by your success. It means not automatically being suspected of being open to corruption. It means not being racially profiled as the rapist, the tsotsi, the hijacker and the monster in the shadows, simply because you are black and male.

It means that if you are raped you are more likely to see justice.

33. Whiteness is invisible to white people.  In his book White, Richard Dyer describes  this phenomenon by explaining that since “whites are everywhere in representation… they seem not to be represented to themselves as whites” He describes this as the representational power of whiteness, which immunises whites against typecasting. Whiteness ‘culture’ has the innate belief that whites are both boundless in multiplicity yet homogeneous in their representation of good humanity:  “At the level of racial representation, in other words, whites are not of a certain race, they’re just the human race”.

A white person doesn’t think of themselves as white. We are just people.

White people very quickly revert to being ‘White’ when they need to differentiate themselves from perceived “bad behaviours” of “these people” though.

34. As the Thought Catalog poster points out, when we talk about white privilege, we’re not only talking about being wealthy. Wealth is about class and we all know there is a small elite class of black and minority groups in South Africa (onto whom many whites project all elements of corruption and unfair power acquisition as they somehow think blacks do not deserve to be rich). What we are talking about a set of automatic but invisible advantages, like never being told that we speak well.

35. It means never having someone walk towards you with a face-cracking smile that seeks to prove that this white person is okay with black folk and is inwardly congratulating herself for her magnanimous and non-racial attitudes. It means never being spoken to in broken stilted English in a fake African accent.

36. White privilege is knowing that the stuff you are taught at schools and universities is largely centred on your culture and value system.

37. White privilege is appropriating aspects of black culture in carnivalesque situations such as “Rag or pantomime” or as some kind of fun celebration but then “returning to whiteness” with no inkling of the experience of living black.

38. White privilege is claiming you are “African” and into “Ubuntu” but doing and saying nothing about the inequalities you see around you, thus maintaining your white privilege while assuming commonality and brotherhood with those exploited by the system of which you are a beneficiary.

39. It means co-opting and appropriating black words to push your own business while not fully understanding or practicing the meaning of the indigenous knowledge that you colonise with little reflection on the privileged act of stealing from black awareness.

40. White privilege is thinking it is normal to say you are not racist because you have no problem with “these people”.


“Not all white people are racist, but all white people have white privilege.

This is so even in a country that is African – because we belong to and are privileged by a “white regime” that is global and not just a local neo-colonial phenomenon.

42. ‘The first step to overcoming racism is recognising you have white privilege. You cannot deconstruct a social construct if you do not recognise how you have benefitted from it as a white person. While I have never really been economically privileged, with a single-mother household for most of my childhood, I know I have white privilege by virtue of having white skin and that definitely has an effect on how I am perceived in the world.

When you are cognisant of your own white privilege, you are better equipped to “see and understand systemic discrimination and inequality” and begin to deconstruct it from within. It is hard to imagine being anti-racist without being anti-imperialst and anti-neoliberal as these are the very systems that perpetuate inequality and racism globally.”

44. I am sure there are many more examples of white privilege and I invite readers to please add to this list by sending me your examples of white privilege.

To follow… the many responses to how white privilege impacts on people’s lives that I received to this article.

– “mediaforjustice.net”

Posted by admin, November 16, 2014 4:42 pm

henriHYDERABAD: Achieving equality in society is the only solution to eliminate poverty in this world, said Justice Zakeria ‘Zac’ Yacoob, Retired Justice of Constitutional Court of South Africa at the 13th CD Deshmukh memorial lecture here on Saturday. His lecture was on the topic ‘Equality, Non-discrimination, Religion and Disability: South Africa and India’.

“Once everybody in the society treats everyone equally, poverty will automatically be eliminated,” he said. He reminded that more than 90 percent of the poor in South Africa and India are from the minority classes.

Yacoob, who has been working in the field of Socio-economic Rights for a long time, said he strongly believes that discrimination is based on various factors such as race and religion. It has become one of the biggest hurdles in the path towards development across the world. He said both India and South Africa stand on the same position when it comes to inequality and discrimination against the vulnerable groups.

However, Yacoob felt that ‘race’ has been the most common factor for discrimination in both the countries. “Perhaps that is the reason, constitutions of both the countries chose to give reservations based on race,” he said. From his research on the social development of both the countries for past few decades, he said minorities have always been oppressed, while the majority section continues to dominate.

In the context of formation of Telangana state, Yacoob felt the new state is the result of discrimination that Telangana people faced for years. And now the state has manyopportunities to achieve social and economic development. “Every time a new state is formed, there is a great desire for development,” he said.

He said he finds hope in the fact that oppressed communities such as the Dalits in India and Black Africans in South Africa are now doing well in various fields like education and business. “The change is happening, but it is at a slow pace,” he added.

Organised by the Council for Social Development, the memorial lecture was attended by the research scholars and students from Maulana Azad National Urdu University (MANUU), University of Hyderabad (UoH) and Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS).

– “newindianexpress”

Posted by admin, 4:34 pm

By Barbara Beitel

Colin Flaherty speaks at Atlantic Cape Community College.

COURT HOUSE – Colin Flaherty is a noted journalist for 30 years, whose works have appeared in major newspapers including The New York Times, Washington Post and Los Angeles Times, and has been published in 1,000 sites around the world and received 50 journalism awards. Flaherty made an appearance Nov. 3 at Atlantic Cape Community College to speak about black-on-white violence, a topic, he stated, which does not receive much press.

The subject makes editors uncomfortable, Flaherty said. Liberals, he said, cringe at the idea of black-on-white violence and police underreport it.

Flaherty documented cases in Chicago where Mayor Rahm Emanuel denied it, and in Philadelphia where Mayor Michael Nutter diminished it.

Flaherty appeared at Helen McCaffrey’s American History II class, Francis Raucher’s English class, and John Alvarez’s theatre class, to discuss his book, White Girl Bleed A Lot, and thesis that black-on-white crime is increasing, and that it is not sufficiently covered in the press establishment.

Flaherty said that race riots are occurring and they are largely ignored. Political correctness has reached a new high, according to Flaherty, as TV affiliates, newspaper editors and mayors fall all over themselves to avoid attributing race to the attackers, who are, he said, predominantly young black men.

McCaffrey, who teaches history at Atlantic Cape, introduced Flaherty. “The purpose of coming to college is to explore ideas, new ideas, and to think. If we are not making you uncomfortable, we are not making you think. Ask questions,” she said, “and feel free to agree or disagree. That’s how you learn to think.”

Asked about how the speaker got invited, McCaffrey replied, “I heard him on the radio, and I thought that he presented an unheard point of view. I told him that he needed to talk to college students, and he said, ‘Let’s do it.’”

Flaherty’s book, which is a bestseller on Amazon, begins: “Racial violence is back. In hundreds of episodes across the country since 2010, groups of black people are roaming the streets of America, intimidating, stalking, vandalizing, stealing, shooting, stabbing, raping, and killing.

“But the local media and public officials are largely silent about the problem. Crime is color-blind, says a Milwaukee police chief. Race is not important, a Chicago newspaper editor assures us. That denies the obvious. America is the most race-conscious society in the world. … We talk about everything black except black mob violence and lawlessness. That is taboo. And the result is that few know about it. Fewer still are talking about it. Today it is at epidemic levels in almost every city in the country.”

“Unbelievable racial violence is the first problem. Denying it is the second,” Flaherty told the gathered students.

“In South Philadelphia, reported by the Philly Daily News and City Paper, Asian students were being beaten up by blacks in a black high school in South Philly for five years. The Asians were about 18 percent of the student population, the blacks, 70 percent. The students, after harassment, beatings, attacks to and from school, on the subway, complained to the administration, hosted a march, and the administration gave them a pamphlet telling them how not to aggravate the black students.”

School officials told local networks that the event was in no way racial, Flaherty continued.

“In private, they said that it was the Asian students’ fault. Lots of racism is targeted at immigrants, especially Asians, by young black men,” he said.

The students were also complaining because the administration did nothing to protect them. One video, featuring a black youth, said that the object was not racism, but financial opportunity. The people were helpless, had cell phones, did not speak English well and were not able to retaliate. They were afraid. So they were targeted.

Flaherty also detailed incidents of “knockout,” a game wherein a black mob appears and several members knock over elderly women or men, or a single person, while others beat them. The rest of the assembly stands by and cheers.

Flaherty said he addresses the problem like an old-fashioned newspaper reporter. He doesn’t ask why, he doesn’t comment on the causes, he just states the facts. He doesn’t care why it is happening, he cares that it is happening, and he thinks that truth is better than fiction. “And if it is happening, it ought to be covered,” he said.

In his book, Flaherty delineated a list of 90 cities under attack. Beginning with Atlantic City, the narrative continues across the country, including anecdote after anecdote, which includes Miami Beach ‘black beach parties,’ and college campus riots in Philadelphia and in the Midwest.

Closer to Cape May County, Flaherty reported many cases of black-on-white violence in Baltimore, Philadelphia, Wilmington, Washington, D.C. and New York.

He talked about liberals who want to give reasons for the behavior but who fail to recognize it for what it is. He mentioned newspapers calling attackers ‘youths,’ but never presenting their color. He talked about the newspapers minimizing the situation.

At one point during the talk at Atlantic Cape, a voice from the audience shouted, “Are you a racist?” That was Leon Hart, a black man.

“No, I’m just giving you the facts,” Flaherty replied.

Discussing Ferguson, Mo., Flaherty said that NBC reported, “The protests at Ferguson have been largely peaceful.” However, the police in the area had purchased $172,669 worth of tear gas, grenades, and other body armor. Demonstrations, he said, were violent, rampant with Molotov cocktails, gunfire, and residents were beaten.

Flaherty said the event was documented with videos, 911 calls, police reports.

He said that the reason a lot of black violence goes unreported is fear. In Philadelphia, he said, there are 2,500 cases of intimidation on the books. People were attacked in their homes, police went and broke it up, the attackers left, and then went back and threatened destruction if anyone spoke about it.

Flaherty went on to describe “polar bear hunting,” where blacks get together and beat up whites. It occurs, he said, at “a lot at colleges, like the University of Illinois. It’s always a lot worse than what I describe. Every story I do, people come up to me and say, ‘Oh yeah, that’s been happening around here, too.’”


Posted by admin, November 15, 2014 6:02 pm

Over the past decade, Republican legislators have pushed a number of measures critics say are blatant attempts to suppress minority voting, including voter ID requirements, shortened early voting periods, and limits on same-day voter registration. But minority voters are often disenfranchised in another, more subtle way: polling places without enough voting machines or poll workers.

These polling places tend to have long lines to vote. Long lines force people to eventually give up and go home, depressing voter turnout. And that happens regularly all across the country in precincts with lots of minority voters, even without voter ID or other voting restrictions in place.

Nationally, African Americans waited about twice as long to vote in the 2012 election as white people (23 minutes on average versus 12 minutes); Hispanics waited 19 minutes. White people who live in neighborhoods whose residents are less than 5 percent minority had the shortest of all wait times, just 7 minutes. These averages obscure some of the unusually long lines in some areas. In South Carolina’s Richland County, which is 48 percent black and is home to 14 percent of the state’s African American registered voters, some people waited more than five hours to cast their ballots.

A recent study from the Brennan Center for Justice suggests that a big factor behind these delays was inadequately prepared polling places in heavily minority precincts. Looking at Florida, Maryland, and South Carolina, three states that had some of the longest voting lines in 2012 , the center found a strong correlation between areas with large minority populations and a lack of voting machines and poll workers. In South Carolina, the 10 precincts with the longest waits had more than twice the percentage of black voters (64 percent) as the state as a whole (27 percent).

In the parts of South Carolina with the longest lines (all in Richland County), precincts had an average of only 1 poll worker for every 321 voters, almost twice the state’s mandated ratio of 1 to 167. These precincts also had the fewest voting machines relative to registered voters, with some precincts hitting 432 voters per machine. In contrast, precincts with no wait times had an average of 279 voters per machine. State law requires no more than 250 voters per machine, a limit implemented under the Voting Rights Act. Research shows that voter participation starts to drop off sharply when the number of registered voters per machine exceeds that.

Voting difficulties are not only a problem in poor areas; even well-off African Americans have had a hard time voting. Consider, for instance, Prince George’s County, Maryland, the wealthiest African American suburb in the country, which has the highest proportion of minority residents of any county in the state. In 2012, P.G. County saw three-hour waits to vote. It had the state’s highest number of precincts without the legally required number of voting machines. In most of its precincts, the county had only one voting machine for every 230 registered voters; state law requires no more than 200 voters per machine.

The racially imbalanced distribution of voting resources has spurred allegations that state and local officials are violating the Voting Rights Act, which bars implementing election policies that deny people the right to vote based on race. In 2004, the House Judiciary Committee held field hearings to examine irregularities in voting in Ohio, including long lines in minority areas of the hotly contested swing state in that year’s presidential election. Franklin County, which includes Columbus and had twice the proportion of black voters as the rest of the state, was ground zero for long voting lines. Anecdotal evidence suggested that 5,000 to 10,000 people in Columbus walked away from the polls because of long lines. One woman reportedthat during the four hours she had to wait to vote in Franklin County, her husband died at home alone.

African Americans waited about twice as long to cast ballots in the 2012 election as white voters.

After the 2004 election, University of Michigan political scientist Walter Mebane studied Franklin County for the Democratic National Committee, which wanted to figure out why so many likely Democratic voters had been unable to vote. He found that precincts with large minority populations had nearly 24 percent more registered voters per voting machine than in precincts whose population was less than one-quarter minority.Mebane estimated that the voting machine shortage had reduced potential voter turnout in those areas of Franklin by about 4 percent. Another estimate suggested that roughly 130,000 would-be voters were turned away thanks to long lines. (Those missing votes would not have been enough to swing the state for John Kerry, but they were enough to fuel conspiracy theories for years afterward.)

The Advancement Project, a civil rights organization, sued Virginia shortly before the 2008 presidential election, alleging that African American voters were getting short-changed on voting machines. Mebane’s analysis of election officials’ plans revealed that in Richmond and Virginia Beach, the larger the percentage of African American voters in a precinct, the fewer voting machines would be provided. In Richmond, for instance, in areas where fewer than 12 percent of the residents were black, officials planned to provide a voting machine for every 232 registered voters. In areas where residents were virtually all black, there would only be one machine for every 308 registered voters. Nonetheless, a state court threw the case out.

The reasons for the lack of voting machines and long wait times in minority communities isn’t always clear. At the county level, it is hard to find evidence of Republican schemes to keep heavily Democratic areas from voting. Local officials are responsible for buying voting machines and staffing polling places. Many of the places with the fewest resources and longest lines are governed by African Americans and Latinos and tend to skew Democratic. Take Maryland’s P.G. County. Alisha Alexander, the county’s election administrator, told me that voter registrations for the 2012 election far surpassed projections made in the early 2000s, yet the county still had the same number of voting machines. Those machines, purchased in 2001, were nearing the end of their useful lives and could not be easily fixed or replaced since they were no longer being manufactured. “You can’t mix and match voting equipment,” Alexander explains. State law required the county to use the same type of machine everywhere. “We literally had all of our voting units out in the field between early voting and Election Day, but there was no mechanism to get additional units.”

The 2012 election in Richland County, South Carolina, was a disaster that officials are still trying to untangle. Nearly 100 voting machines sat in a warehouse, unused on election night while voters queued up for as long as seven hours to vote at overburdened polling places. (Local conspiracy theorists have suggested—incorrectly—that the election office stiffed precincts on voting machines in areas that opposed a controversial tax proposal that voters rejected in 2010.)

The chairman of the Franklin County GOP explained, “We shouldn’t contort the voting process to accommodate the urban—read African American—voter turnout machine.”

Charles Stewart III, a political science professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology who has studied voting wait times, has posited that the problem is likely related to the poor provision of public service in minority areas in general. In other words, if you don’t have good trash pick up, your polling station isn’t likely to function very well, either.

Regardless of the cause, it is indisputable that African Americans and Latinos often have a much harder time voting than white people. This history inspired many of the election reforms that Republicans are now actively trying to roll back in places like Ohio and North Carolina, which the Supreme Court has essentially approved.

After the disastrous election in Ohio in 2004, state lawmakers and election officials created opportunities for early and absentee voting, and allowed people to register to vote and cast a ballot on the same day. The state required that every polling station have at least one voting machine for every 175 people. By 2012, roughly a third of all voters cast ballots early and the lines didn’t make the evening news.

But since Barack Obama was elected, the GOP-dominated Ohio state Legislature has been working feverishly to roll back those measures, which many Republicans view as too favorable to Democrats. In 2012, Doug Preisse, the chairman of the Franklin County Republican Party explained to the Columbus Dispatch, “I guess I really actually feel we shouldn’t contort the voting process to accommodate the urban—read African American—voter turnout machine.”

In 2011, the Legislature passed a bill killing off what’s known as “Golden Week,” where people could register and vote on the same day during the first of four weeks of early voting. Following a ballot initiative to overturn the measure, the legislature repealed the law. Earlier this year, Republican lawmakers once again eliminated Golden Week, and the Republican secretary of state, Jon Husted, issued a rule eliminating early voting on Sundays, the Monday before the election, and all evenings after five o’clock. The American Civil Liberties Union sued the state, at first blocking the measure in federal court. But in late September, the Supreme Court allowed the state to proceed.

Early voting and other reforms to make voting easier for everyone were not designed to boost Democrats but simply to even the playing field. That’s why the new measures in places such as Ohio and North Carolina that pare back early voting and pile on new ID and registration requirements are likely to create a double whammy for minority voters by compounding existing problems at the polls. Strict new ID requirements in particular are likely to lead to longer lines as voters try to figure out the new system at precincts that may already be suffering from a shortage of poll workers.

Carrie Davis, the executive director of the Ohio League of Women Voters, says it’s not yet clear how this year’s Election Day will turn out. The state has consolidated polling places due to the success of early and absentee voting in reducing the high demand on Election Day. In 2010, for instance, Franklin County went from 123 precincts to 61. Such moves raise concerns about a return of long lines, particularly in minority precincts. “With the law change and court action, this will be the first time we don’t have evening early and in-person voting, so that will impact people. All of these different restrictions, whether they’re subtle or obvious, they add up. And that’s the concern. Does that put voters off?” Davis wonders.

Probably so. Consider what happened in 2012 in Lee County, a Florida county named after the Confederate general that was subject to a federal school desegregation order until 1999. The number of registered voters in the county jumped 70,000, from about 320,000 in 2008 to 390,000 in 2012. During the same time, the state provided 14 days of early voting before elections; more than 30,000 of Lee County voters voted early during that period in 2010. Those early voters allowed the county to pare back the resources it needed to deploy on Election Day without causing much disruption to the election. According to the Orlando Sentinel, during that same time the county consolidated its polling stations, shrinking their numbers from 136 to 88.

But in 2011, the state Legislature passed a law reducing the early voting period from 14 to 8 days. The next year, Lee County had some of the state’s longest voting lines on Election Day, with some voters waiting as long as five hours. Many others likely gave up without voting. (One study estimated that long lines deterred more than 200,000 people from voting in Florida in 2012.)

Not all Lee County voters were equally inconvenienced. Lee County is about 87 percent white, 19 percent Hispanic, and 9 percent black. Precincts with more than 20 percent Latino voters had on average about 2,000 voters per machine, compared with about 1,500 in areas that were 10 percent or less Latino. In areas of the county where African Americans and Latinos made up 40 to 50 percent of the population, precincts on average had a machine for every 2,150 voters, compared with 1,485 in areas with less than 10 percent minority populations.

Myrna Perez, deputy director of the democracy program at the Brennan Center and a coauthor of its voting study, says that the center hasn’t found find any evidence that these sorts of problems were created intentionally. But because their effect is so dramatic, she says something will have to change: “We think that now election officials have been put on notice they have an obligation to address it.” Given the trends in most of these contested states, that’s not likely to happen any time soon, and especially not before tomorrow’s election, when it could make a difference.

– “motherjonesEarly Voting Ohio